Small Business Week in San Francisco (May)
Small Business Week May 14-20 2012-Top 10 things to do now to prepare for it
- By Tony Wilkins, SF Business Tips Examiner
Q. What goes into a credit score? My banker told me I could get a lower interest rate on a loan if my credit score was higher, so I’m wondering what I could do to improve.
A. Your credit score is based on how you’ve handled credit in the past, which is why it’s so important to a potential lender. A high score means you’ve managed your finances well and would be a good risk for a loan; a low score means you’ve had problems in the past and might not be able to handle more debt. Even though you might be able to get a loan if you have a relatively low credit score, the trade-off would most likely be a high interest rate, just as your banker indicated.
There are five factors that determine your score, weighted as follows:
Business lenders today are typically looking for a score of at least 700. If yours needs improving, start by checking for inaccuracies in your credit report that could be corrected. Obtain a copy of your report from all three of the major credit bureaus, since the details may vary:
Jacqueline Taylor is associate region director of the UH Small Business Development Center. Send questions about this column or other small-business issues to jtaylor@uh.edu.
The Bureau of Labor Statistics released detailed information about the unemployment rate in the states earlier today, and the news is quite good for President Obama.
NEW YORK, NY – MARCH 21: People stand in a line that stretched around the block to enter a job fair held at the Jewish Community Center (JCC), on March 21, 2012 in New York City.. (Photo by John Moore/Getty Images)
Of the 15 states expected to be seriously contested by the two parties this fall, nine have an unemployment rate below the 8.3 percent national rate for the month of February. (For a full list of the swing states and their unemployment rates, scroll to the bottom of this post.)And, the Midwest, the region widely regarded as the most electorally critical for both Obama and former Massachusetts governor Mitt Romney, the average unemployment rate in February was 7.5 percent, the lowest of any of the four regions of the country.
While the unveiling of the national unemployment rate on the first Friday of every month tends to draw the big national headlines, the state-by-state numbers may be of equal import.
Why? Because the presidential election is a national race in name only. In reality, it is a series of state contests. (If you live anywhere outside the 15 or so swing states, you aren’t likely to see television ads, get persuasion phone calls or get snowed under by direct mail appeals. Depending on how you view politics, that could be either a very good or a very bad thing.)
That means that for people living in those 15 swing states, how they feel the economy is doing is likely to be more influenced by the unemployment rate in their particular state than what the national rate might be.
If you live in New Hampshire (5.2 percent unemployment), Iowa (5.3 percent unemployment) or Virginia (5.7 percent), the likely Romney argument that the economy continues to struggle simply won’t resonate all that well.
On the other hand, if you live in places like Nevada (12.3 percent unemployment), North Carolina (9.9 percent) or Florida (9.4 percent), you may well be more open to the idea that Obama hasn’t done enough to make the economy better in his first four years in office.
Looking for the swingiest of the swing states when it comes to the economy and the unemployment rate? Check out Michigan (8.8 percent), Colorado (7.8 percent), Ohio (7.6 percent) and Pennsylvania (7.6 percent) — all of which are within a point of the national average.
The state-by-state unemployment numbers aren’t conclusive and won’t stop Republicans from arguing that the economy would have recovered faster — and more broadly — with a different occupant in the White House.
But remember that the ground on which the election will be fought varies by state. And right now, the state-by-state economic outlook looks better for Obama than the national one.
Swing States Unemployment Rates (as of February 2012)
Arizona: 8.7%
Colorado: 7.8%
Florida: 9.4%
Indiana: 8.4%
Iowa: 5.3%
Michigan: 8.8%
Missouri: 7.4%
Nevada: 12.3%
New Hampshire: 5.2%
New Mexico: 7.2%
North Carolina: 9.9%
Ohio: 7.6%
Pennsylvania: 7.6%
Virginia: 5.7%
Wisconsin: 6.9%
The news broke last night: Newt Gingrich had traded out campaign managers, slimmed his staff by a third and was now focusing on calling delegates to the Republican National Convention rather than campaigning across the country.
Republican presidential candidate, former House Speaker Newt Gingrich speaks in Annapolis, Md., Tuesday, March 27, 2012, after a visit to Maryland State House. (AP Photo/Jose Luis Magana)
The former House Speaker and his (remaining) aides insisted that this was all part of a grand plan to make former Massachusetts governor Mitt Romney “earn” the nomination. “Until Mitt Romney has 1,144 [delegates] locked down, solidly, I owe it to the people that have helped me over the past year to represent their views and their values,” explained Gingrich in a radio interview with WTOP in Washington, DC today.
“I’ve learned to never say never again and again about Newt,” said Rick Tyler, a former Gingrich aide who runs the Winning Our Future super PAC that is supportive of the former House Speaker. “He says he will march on to Tampa so we will march on.”
While Tyler’s loyalty is admirable, make no mistake: This is the end of the Gingrich campaign. He is out of money (or close to it) with few prospects to raise more. Polling suggests he will finish behind Texas Rep. Ron Paul in the April 3 Wisconsin primary; he already placed fourth in the Illinois primary last week. He lacks any obvious regional or ideological base in the party. This is what the end looks like.
“Newt’s capacity for self-delusion knows no bounds and so rather than suspending the campaign, he has developed this ‘big-choice convention’ strategy which is nothing more than a refusal to admit there are no dates on the calendar in which he can come in any better than third and there might be some primaries where he loses to Ron Paul — again,” said Rich Galen, a one-time aide to Gingrich. “No matter what he chooses to call it, the rest of us are calling it ‘over’.”
Why is Gingrich refusing to bow to what looks– to everyone not on his payroll — like the inevitable? A few reasons.
1. Gingrich genuinely believes that Romney is not conservative enough to be the Republican nominee and wants to spend the next few months trying to drag the former Massachusetts governor more in line with his own beliefs, which, he naturally thinks, are more representative of what the base wants.
2. Gingrich’s campaign has, from the start (or close to it), been something of a vanity effort. From the time Gingrich parted ways with his senior staff in the summer of 2011 until today, he has done and said whatever he (and his wife Callista) want. The zoo trips, the focus on space, the tour of the cherry blossoms — all of it speaks to a strategy, if you can call it that, revolving around what the candidate feels like doing or saying on any given day.
The people he keeps around him are less advisers in the traditional sense of that word than they friends and companions on his rollicking journey around the country. What Newt wants, Newt gets. And that seems to be true when it comes to his decision to kind of, sort of stay in the race.
3. Newt thinks of himself as not just another politician. (You would have picked up on this fact if you listened to him speak for more than five minutes.) Normal politicians drop out of races when they run out of money and widespread support. Not Newt.
He sees himself as a visionary who, whether or not voters realize it, has the big ideas needed to fix the big problems in the country. To simply walk away before he aired those views to as many people as possible is simply unfathomable to Gingrich.
Regardless of whether Gingrich thinks he is out of the race (he doesn’t), it doesn’t change the political reality (he is). When the delegates gather at the Republican National Convention in Tampa, Florida in August, they will nominate Romney — barring some sort of cataclysmic event.
And there’s nothing Gingrich can do about it.
Detroit Free Press
March 18, 2012
Romney, Santorum and Obama trade campaign digs
By Thomas Beaumont
Associated Press
After two Deep South losses, Mitt Romney is intensifying his campaign efforts in the economically challenged Midwest — a friendly region for him — in hopes of regaining his front-runner’s momentum when Illinois holds its Republican presidential primary Tuesday.
But the race for Illinois and its cache of 54 delegates is tighter than might have been expected, thanks to Rick Santorum’s recent rise in opinion polls. And President Barack Obama, the Democrat they both hope to oust, is making his presence felt, too, in his adopted home state.
Romney is clearly mindful of the threat from Santorum. He and his allies are pouring money into the state, near Michigan where he grew up and his father was governor. Romney won the Michigan primary on Feb. 28.
Logistically, he’s also looking to take advantage of Santorum’s failure to get the signatures needed to ensure he’s on the ballot statewide in Illinois.
And Romney’s on the attack.
“We are not going to be successful in replacing an economic lightweight if we nominate an economic lightweight,” the former Massachusetts governor said Friday during an early morning stop in suburban Rosemont near Chicago. The criticism, focusing on the economy, which is the voters’ No. 1 concern, was a one-two punch against both President Barack Obama and Republican Santorum. “I am an economic heavy weight, and I know how to fix this economy,” Romney declared.
Romney also began airing a television advertisement in Illinois accusing Santorum, a former two-term senator, of having little understanding of the economy. And he began airing a radio ad pointing to Santorum’s crushing defeat for re-election in 2006. Santorum lost his seat in Pennsylvania to Democrat Bob Casey by 18 percentage points.
Appearing at a Hispanic grocery store in Prospect Heights, Ill., Santorum shot back at his rival.
“I believe in a light touch of government where Governor Romney believes in a very heavy touch,” Santorum said. “So he is an economic government heavyweight.”
Obama was fundraising and campaigning in Illinois, too, on Friday and taking his own shots at the Republicans — for negative campaigning.
Noting he was in “the land of Lincoln,” Obama said the Republicans weren’t exactly appealing to — in the Civil War president’s words — “the better angels of our nature.” He told his audience at a fundraiser in Chicago, “I’m thinking maybe some Lincoln will rub off on them while they’re here.”
In a wry reference to the heated Republican race, he said, “We’ve got some guests in Illinois this week. Apparently they have not wrapped up on the other side.”
Santorum faces the same obstacles in Illinois that he has in previous contests — a lack of money and campaign organization. But his message that he’s the true conservative in the race could resonate strongly in the rural areas of the state. He was spending Friday and Saturday campaigning in some of Illinois’ small towns, including Effingham.
Illinois is the highest profile contest of the coming week, and it kicks off a two-week series of five contests before an April lull in the GOP nomination fight that could well stretch into summer. As Obama focuses on the general election, Romney is struggling to clinch the GOP nomination, even though he’s well ahead in the fight for delegates to the August GOP national convention. He needs to win 1,144, and is on pace to secure that number by June.
Despite his delegate lead, Romney has recently won only peripheral contests in U.S. territories and he hasn’t won a primary since winning six of 10 states on Super Tuesday some 10 days ago. So he’s turning to Illinois to right his course in a state that’s being seriously contested only by Santorum and him. The resumption of voting in the upper Midwestern states, with Wisconsin following close behind Illinois on April 3, could be pivotal for the GOP front-runner. Maryland and the District of Columbia also hold primaries on April 3, as the voting enters its fourth month.
Illinois was in the spotlight Friday, with Romney, Santorum and the man they hope to get the chance to challenge all appearing in the state.
In the GOP race here, it’s all but down to two men, with recent polls in Illinois showing Romney leading Santorum by a small margin.
Former House Speaker Newt Gingrich, badly damaged after losses in Alabama and Mississippi on Tuesday, campaigned in the Chicago area this week. But the former Georgia congressman was in Louisiana on Friday. Longshot Texas Rep. Ron Paul has campaigned little in Illinois, though he headlined a rally at the University of Illinois on Wednesday. Neither contender was advertising in the state.
In contrast, Romney and his allies are dominating Illinois’ expensive TV airwaves. His campaign was airing about $1 million in TV ads this week, and a political action committee that supports him was spending $2.4 million on an ad aimed at undermining Santorum’s appeal as a conservative. The ad notes Santorum’s past support for earmark spending, raising the debt limit and allowing felons to obtain the right to vote.
Looking ahead in the upper Midwest, the pro-Romney group, Restore Our Future, also has begun airing ads criticizing Santorum in Wisconsin.
In Illinois, Santorum and a group that supports him — Winning Our Future — were spending only about one-fifth of the pro-Romney advertising. The pro-Santorum group was on the air in Louisiana, looking to counter an onslaught of negative ads by the pro-Romney group.
Romney’s message is focused squarely on the economy in Illinois, where unemployment was 9.3 percent in February, the eighth-highest in the country.
“Romney will do well in the Chicago suburbs. Santorum will do well deep downstate,” said Dan Curry, a Republican strategist and veteran of several statewide campaigns. “Illinois has its own unique nature that really matches the country.”
While Chicago dominates Illinois politics, the Republican primary electorate is divided evenly between the GOP-heavy suburbs and the rural and southern reaches outside the metro area.
Santorum, who won primaries in Alabama and Mississippi on Tuesday, is banking on his appeal to rural conservatives, including the evangelical base in central and southern Illinois. Santorum, who also won the Tennessee primary on March 6, will include on his statewide tour Saturday a stop in Herrin, Ill., a town 100-miles closer to Memphis than it is to Chicago.
The 54 delegates at stake Tuesday are directly elected by voters, while 15 more will be named at the state party convention in June.
Romney has been the most aggressive cultivating the state, although the last time he set foot in the state was November when he held a fundraiser.
He has lined up Republican establishment figures. Sen. Mark Kirk, state Treasurer Dan Rutherford, Rep. Aaron Schock and state GOP chairman Pat Brady have endorsed Romney. The familiar names, who are on the ballot as Romney delegates, give Romney an edge in an election where voters actually select delegates.
Romney, who has flexed his campaign organization to narrow victories in Michigan and Ohio, has fielded a full slate of delegates in all 18 of Illinois’ congressional districts.
Santorum has struggled to organize and was unable to field delegates in four Illinois districts, where a total of 10 delegates are at stake Tuesday.
Rick Santorum certainly earned his victories last night in Alabama and Mississippi. The base of the Republican Party, particularly as it is represented in these primaries, is far to the right politically, angry and driven by an intolerant brand of evangelical Christianity.
Mr. Santorum has shown that he best captures that extremism and that anger. And, unlike Mitt Romney, who many conservative Republicans still think is faking it, Mr. Santorum speaks from the heart – about the economy, about social issues, and about conservatism as it is now defined in the G.O.P.
In Mobile last week, Mr. Santorum stirred up fears that we’re in the midst of fighting an apocalyptic holy war with Islam, and suggested that the president is ill-equipped to lead the way. He said Mr. Obama has “swept clean all references to religion when referring to the enemy. He won’t say that it is radical Islam…Well, we may not be at war against them, but let me tell you, they are at war against us.”
He also went on an anti-science tear, characterizing environmentalism as “an ideology that puts humans not as stewards of the Earth but as servants of the Earth.” He sneered: “This administration officially labeled carbon dioxide as a toxin. Tell that to a plant! Tell that to all of us who exhale CO2 with every breath. According to Obama we’re all polluters by breathing. Obama sees us all as points of pollution instead of points of potential human beings.”
The subtext, I guess, is that any attempt to mitigate the effects of global warming is, in reality, part of a vast left-wing conspiracy to strip the American people of their liberty.
That sort of thing works really well in the deeply conservative Deep South. Exit polls in both Mississippi and Alabama showed that Mr. Santorum led by substantial margins among voters who said they were very conservative (42 percent of the voters in Mississippi and 36 percent in Alabama), among voters who said they were evangelical Christians (83 percent and 80 percent), and among those who said it’s important for the candidate to share their religious views.
There is nothing typical about the voting population in these primaries. The voters in Mississippi and Alabama were almost entirely white (over 90 percent in each state). They are far more heavily anti-abortion than the country at large, and pro-Tea Party. Working women voted in small numbers.
That is a problem for Mr. Santorum going forward. He is not going to find such voters in large concentrations in California, or New York or many other states with a large number of delegates. It’s hard to see how Mr. Santorum can win, but he came back from nowhere to turn the contest into, effectively, a two-man race, and he’s helped show his party what its base really wants.
A spirit of bipartisanship is sweeping Capitol Hill, with lawmakers poised to approve a package of bills aimed at reducing regulatory burdens on small business.
We wish we could raise a glass. This moment has been too long in coming. But the legislation it has spawned would be dangerous for investors and could harm already fragile financial markets.
At issue is a measure called Jumpstart Our Business Startups, or JOBS Act, which lawmakers in both parties claim would relieve small businesses seeking to raise capital from burdensome regulations, and thereby create jobs. The U.S. House overwhelmingly passed the measure 390-23 last week, and the Senate is expected to consider it this week. The White House has said President Barack Obama will sign the legislation.
We agree that red tape can needlessly tie up small companies. We also agree that securities laws that bar startups from harnessing the power of the Internet to raise funds could use updating. And it makes sense to allow, as the bill does, an initial public offering on-ramp, which would give startups a chance to grow before saddling them with certain costly and time-consuming regulations.
But the JOBS Act goes too far. It would gut many of the investor protections established just a decade ago in the 2002 Sarbanes-Oxley law. A wave of accounting scandals — think Enron and WorldCom — had destroyed the nest eggs of millions of Americans and upended investor confidence in Wall Street. The relief would extend beyond small businesses and apply to more than 90 percent of companies that go public.
At the center of the package is a new class of emerging growth companies, defined as those with as much as $1 billion in annual revenue, which would be exempt from a host of disclosure, reporting and governance rules. These companies would be able to operate for up to five years without an independent test of their internal controls — the checks and balances that help companies prevent outright fraud and costly accounting mistakes.
Emerging companies would also be able to promote public offerings with less-than-complete information by “testing the waters” with fancy PowerPoint slides and other pre-IPO materials. Executives wouldn’t be held accountable for any misrepresentations. To go public, companies would ultimately have to file an official prospectus — where they must reveal their financial secrets, warts and all — with the Securities and Exchange Commission. But investors who have seen the glossy brochures might never read those documents.
These companies would also be able to use so-called crowd- sourcing to raise capital, an idea that deserves support. The bill, however, puts an overly high $2 million ceiling on what entrepreneurs can raise with little oversight (more on that later).
Perhaps most disappointing, the bill rolls back rules meant to prevent analysts from misleading investors by talking up stocks simply to win investment banking business. Such conflicts of interest were banned in 2003, after federal and state investigations revealed analysts were privately deriding stocks they were publicly touting and failing to disclose conflicts.
Supporters of the bill point to the falloff in initial public offerings as evidence that regulatory costs are dissuading entrepreneurs from creating businesses or taking them public. And they say rescinding the analyst research restrictions would benefit small companies, which Wall Street otherwise ignores.
That sounds great in theory, but the reality offers a different picture. It’s true the number of initial offerings has declined, but evidence suggests that has less to do with regulation and more with global economic trends.
IPOs of small companies — those with less than $50 million in annual sales — have declined more than 80 percent since 2001. It would be easy to blame the Sarbanes-Oxley law, which ushered in sweeping accounting and governance rules after a series of bankruptcies revealed that companies were cooking the books and auditors were looking the other way. But the SEC has long exempted companies with less than $75 million in sales from some of the law’s more onerous provisions, including the most costly of all, the internal controls audit.
As Jay Ritter, a finance professor at the University of Florida has documented, the decline in IPOs is related to declining profitability of small businesses. Many are opting to merge with larger companies to quickly get bigger and more profitable, rather than go public.
What’s more, many of the rules the bill seeks to upend have helped companies, including the internal controls rule. An SEC study, for example, found that such audits helped companies avoid financial restatements, which are costly exercises that often drive down share prices.
Luckily, a bipartisan group of senators has realized the damage this package could inflict and plans to offer changes during this week’s floor consideration. Among them: lowering the threshold for emerging growth companies to $350 million in annual sales. That’s a vast improvement, but probably still too high — $350 million in sales isn’t exactly small beer.
The senators would cap the amount raised through crowd- funding at $1 million, and require those soliciting funds to register with the SEC. To help unsophisticated investors, it would cap investments at the greater of $2,000 or 5 percent of income for those who earn less than $100,000. (Those earning more could contribute a maximum of $100,000 per year.)
The senators would also wisely prevent analysts from recommending the pre-IPO stock of an emerging growth company.
There is room to improve small-business rules, but Congress should tread carefully. History is full of examples of legislation enacted in the name of deregulation, only to have it backfire. The 1999 Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act, which ended the Depression-era ban against mixing investment and commercial banking, and the 2000 Commodity Futures Modernization Act, which allowed explosive, but unregulated, growth in over-the-counter derivatives, are two. Both laws helped set the stage for the 2008 financial collapse.
It shouldn’t be necessary to gut investor safeguards to promote job creation. If investors lose confidence because of worries about fraud, they will demand a higher return on their money, raising the cost of capital for all.
Feb. 26–28, 2012, in Orlando, FL
Published: 02/14/2012
(ISO 9001 Conference: Orlando, FL) — The 20th Annual International Conference on ISO 9000 has been structured to provide a balanced program of presentations by corporate executives and management system experts. Most organizations face compelling issues that must be continually addressed to survive. Often, conformity to management system standards is viewed as too cumbersome for the dynamic business environment. But successful organizations find that they must maintain a management system that is flexible enough to conform to a variety of standards while maintaining its focus on the customer.
The integrated management system needs to fit with organizational objectives. It has become critical to sustain adequate controls to ensure an organization’s long-term success while adding short-term value. This situation provides serious challenges for the quality professional.
The programs are focused on sector-specific implementation updates, general management system topics, and real-life examples of integrating management systems. With an exciting program of topics and international speakers, this year’s conference provides an unparalleled opportunity to network and learn how to take your management system beyond compliance.
Bennie Fowler, the group vice president of global quality and new model launch at Ford Motor Co., will be in Orlando, Florida, as the keynote speaker at the 20th Annual International Conference on ISO 9000 on Feb. 26, 2012. He will discuss how quality is critical at Ford, and how it’s a commitment that touches every aspect of the vehicle process—from design to manufacturing to product launch—to ensure that quality is built into every vehicle. Ford has made significant strides during the past few years to achieve world-class levels of quality and desirability.
WASHINGTON | Fri Mar 2, 2012 8:54am EST
WASHINGTON (Reuters) – Hiring at small U.S. businesses edged higher in February as the number of firms laying off workers fell to its lowest since 2007, although companies scaled back plans to hire workers, a poll showed on Friday.
The National Federation of Independent Business said companies in its survey added an average 0.04 jobs last month. In January the reading was flat.
The NFIB’s reading on layoffs was in line with recent reports from the U.S. Labor Department, which have shown the number of workers lining up for jobless benefits has been falling and is near a 4-year low.
Nine percent of firms added jobs, one of the highest levels since 2007, the NFIB said.
But weighing on the outlook for the jobs market, the net percent of business owners planning to hire workers fell 9 percentage points, seasonally adjusted, to minus 9 percent, its fourth straight monthly decline.
The U.S. Labor Department is scheduled to release its February employment report on March 9. Economists polled by Reuters expect it will show a 210,000 increase in nonfarm payrolls, with the unemployment rate holding steady at 8.3 percent.
The NFIB poll was based on responses from 642 firms surveyed through February 28.
As part of a new series on how small and medium-sized firms use technology – which will run throughout March – we ask experts for their views.
Small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) have access to greater computing power than ever before thanks to cloud computing.
This remote computing power – provided by a third party, usually over the internet using a web browser, and often without a contract – is transforming the way SMEs use IT and even do business.
Cloud computing is lowering the barrier to entry into business for some SMEs, and helping speed up exploitation of new opportunities for others.
It is democratising IT and enabling many SMEs to act like, and appear to be, organisations of much greater size and scope. In these ways, with SMEs the growth engine for many countries, cloud computing has the potential to have a positive impact on industries and economies alike.
Yet it’s not a panacea for all IT problems, nor is it for everything that IT may be applied to – it has its limits, of course.
SMEs in different industries use different cloud computing and related apps in different ways. And as with all business technology, local regulations may restrict the use of some cloud-based services by organisations in certain industries.
I’d argue, though, that it is for every business which uses IT, at least in some way, and will outline below how some of our customers have used it to their advantage.
Why the cloud?With cloud computing, SMEs no longer necessarily need to buy hardware and software licences, and manage IT in-house.
Businesses pay for what cloud-based services they use – such as email, customer relationship management (CRM), payroll systems, online back-up, web hosting, application management, printing, invoicing apps, and collaboration tools, to name but a few – removing the need to make large one-off investments.
It’s therefore much less expensive and risky for SMEs to procure and use IT in the form of cloud services, and the potential rewards are great.
For instance, MedicAnimal.com, an online supplier of high quality pet care and veterinary products that does business across Europe, is saving in excess of £100,000 a year by replacing its entire in-house IT infrastructure with Rackspace cloud hosting.
The smaller the company, the more likely they are to use cloud-based services for all their IT needs”
End Quote John Engates Rackspace
This move allowed it to reduce online operating costs and freed up resources from hardware management.
Little wonder then that recent Gartner research (Gartner Executive Programs, January 2012) showed that SMEs are increasing spending on cloud services.
Commenting on the findings, Gartner analyst Dave Aron said that “cloud-based services are allowing small companies to have industrial-strength IT very quickly”.
Clear benefitsIt’s also clear why we’re seeing SMEs – especially the smallest organisations – lead the way both with cloud adoption and in finding innovative ways to use the computing power at their disposal.
Reducing the barrier to entry to a market is a compelling prospect for start-ups intent on selling their products or services as soon as possible.
Similarly, cloud computing can improve business agility, and help more established businesses with relatively small IT budgets to rapidly move into new territory or alter their business model.
For example, UK-based florist Mode Flowers was able to develop a new e-commerce business using our cloud services – much faster and at a much lower cost than would have been possible before cloud computing.
The company is also using cloud computing to extend their e-commerce platform into continental Europe, to take on bigger players in the industry.
UK digital signage provider Signagelive recently moved its media delivery infrastructure to our cloud to unlock volume markets and new value chains.
The scalability of cloud computing is being harnessed by businesses which would formerly have been limited by the restrictions of in-house IT, such as having to wait days or even weeks for a new server to arrive at the office.
Freshbooks, a Canadian-based provider of online invoicing and book keeping for professionals – a cloud service provider itself – uses our services to scale capacity up as it grows, and manage spikes in online demand. So too does Behance, a fast growing US-based social network for creatives.
The ‘all-cloud’ enterpriseIt’s important to note that SMEs are not alone in driving cloud adoption.
Although large enterprises still often hold core IT applications in their data centre, and manage them in-house, we’ve seen their small business divisions or departments, which may have an entrepreneurial approach (ie are similar to SMEs), go around the IT department to put cloud apps to good use.
Conversely, we’ve worked with internal IT teams of multinationals which have used our cloud to provide apps and services to other business divisions.
In my experience, the smaller the company, the more likely they are to use cloud-based services for all their IT needs, but this will change over time.
SMEs will no doubt continue to embrace cloud-based services and related applications, and remain at the forefront of cloud developments. However, as they grow, and as the cloud market evolves to both meet the demands of industries for different apps and services and to overcome current limitations, it seems inevitable that we will also see the arrival of larger enterprises which are truly “all cloud”.